30 January 2017
darkest hour in peace time is also the darkest hour for Arab leadership whose
silence over the Muslim ban will come to haunt them
The reaction to Donald Trump’s executive
order to ban refugees and Muslims from seven countries has been unprecedented.
Flash crowds descended on JFK and Dulles international airports on Saturday.
When the New York Taxi Drivers Association held an hour-long protest at Trump’s
ban, and Uber attempted to profit from it by turning off their surge price, a
campaign was launched to delete the Uber app from phones.
Demonstrations erupted in Atlanta,
Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Dallas, Detroit, San Francisco, New York and
Washington. Britain’s prime minister Theresa May hardly had time to unpack her
bags from her trip to Washington, than she found that her newly formed “special
relationship” with Trump had turned into a domestic political liability.
On a cold Monday evening, thousands of
protesters jammed Whitehall outside Downing Street. A petition calling for
Trump's state visit to Britain to be cancelled has already got 1m signatures.
Not since the invasion of Iraq in 2003 has
anyone witnessed scenes like this. And a lot has happened in the Middle East
since then, including the Gaza war, Libyan intervention, the massacre of
protesters in Rabaa, Cairo and the fall of Aleppo. None of these major events
has elicited anything like the same mass indignation.
It is not engendered by the issue itself:
the heat is not being generated by a policy debate about the best way to
prevent Islamic State (IS) attacks on Western soil. Anyone with a shred of
knowledge about IS would tell you that Trump’s ban leaves the door open to the
countries that provide the bulk of their foreign fighters.
protest against the ban at San Francisco International Airport on January 29,
Nor is the fury coming primarily from
Muslim communities or from the fringes of political discourse. It comes from
mainstream politicians, lawyers, actors, singers and academics. The president
of Harvard University Drew Faust wrote in an email that nearly half of her
school deans were immigrants from India, China, Jamaica, Northern Ireland and
Iran. The outrage is deep and widespread. It is, first and foremost, a moral
outburst, but it also touches on the explosive issue of identity. Slamming the
door shut on immigrants, some of them fleeing political oppression and war is
not what millions of sons and daughters of American immigrants and indeed
European ones think their countries are about. Woodie Guthrie's This Land is
Your Land is suddenly back in vogue.
Sensing this, German Chancellor Angela
Merkel used her first call with the week-old US president to lecture him on
what being a signatory to the Geneva Convention means.
For once, just once, a substantial body of
western public opinion, so often accused of hypocrisy in the Arab world, is
living up to its name as a force that believes that their nation’s behaviour
should be based on values.
Silence of Saudi
What then are the so-called leaders of the
Arab world saying to Trump at this critical point? If Merkel read Trump the
riot act, then how indignant and forthright was the Saudi King Salman, a man
who calls himself the leader of the Muslim world?
What did the custodian of the Two Holy
Mosques have to say to Trump about his ban on Muslims, or even the distinction
the US president drew between Muslims and Christians in Arab countries?
It’s not as if Salman had problems with
access to the president. We know the two men talked for over an hour. They
talked about Iran, safe zones in Syria, security co-ordination.
But Reuters reported that a senior Saudi
source “had no word “ on whether the two leaders discussed Trump's order to put
a four-month hold on allowing refugees into the United States and temporarily
ban travellers from Syria and six other Muslim-majority countries.
In other words, Salman said nothing. He
could have held his tongue out of fear about what this crazy man in the White
House will do next. That certainly was the motivation for shutting down Saudi
Arabia’s best foreign analyst, the journalist Jamal Khashoggi. (A similar thing
happened to the Emirati academic and adviser Abdulkhaleq Abdullah). Or did
Salman feel so desperate for US protection that he will do anything to get into
Trump’s good books?
Salman’s deafening silence is not one of
his memory lapses. The Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has also been told
not to raise the awkward subject of Trump’s proposal to move the US embassy to
Jerusalem, either in the Arab League or in the Organisation of Islamic
According to Arabi 21, Abbas has been
assured that the US embassy will only be relocated to West Jerusalem. So that’s
okay then. Who exactly told Abbas this is not clear - but the message from his Arab brothers is
clear. If he sticks his neck out, they will not have his back.
If the leaders of the Arab world are
quickly falling into line behind Trump, then so too, alas, is, Recep Tayyip
Erdogan, the new strong man of Turkey and a president soon to have enhanced
powers. The Turkish president commended Trump for putting a CNN reporter “in
his place” after the US president refused to take a question from the network’s
Jim Acosta, sparked after the news organisation published a report on Russian
efforts to compromise the new incumbent of the Oval Office.
Erdogan’s beef with the international media
is long standing. He has accused them of publishing false information about the
Gezi Park protests in 2013. However, his memories of CNN should not go as far
back as that. It was a CNN affiliate, CNN Turk, which broadcast Erdogan’s
iPhone appeal to Turks to stand firm against the attempted coup in July last
year. That broadcast probably saved his life. Erdogan already seems to have
This is an incredibly short-sighted policy.
The most right-wing government in Israeli history will use Trump as a golden
opportunity to pursue its agenda, which is to continue to advance its enormous
footprint in the West Bank and continue its campaign against non-Jewish
citizens of Israel and residents of Jerusalem. It will do so in the knowledge
that it will not only face no resistance from Washington, but have its active
embrace at New York's JFK International Airport in the hours after the ban was
The reaction to Trump represents an
unparalleled opportunity for the Arab world. He has stirred a backlash in
defence of refugees and travellers from Muslim countries, who find themselves
denied access to universities, charities, foundations and think tanks on which
the Arab elites themselves depend.
Debate Goes Mainstream
Trump has brought Islamophobia to the
centre stage of the mainstream political debate. Suddenly the placards are
saying: “We are all Muslims.” Trump is contaminating his most vocal supporters
such as Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, and alienating liberal Jews
in the process. He's even reawakened painful memories of Jews arriving in
America from the pogroms of Russia and Eastern Europe. He is doing something no
Middle Eastern conflict has yet succeeded in doing: stirring the Western
At this very point in time, Arab leaders
walk away, consumed by their calculations for preserving their own corrupt
regimes. Muslim countries should be in the first line of defence of Palestine.
Instead, they are sending out the message that they are not bothered. In Trump,
they face a man who, for the first time in post-war US history, is abandoning
the title of leader of the free world. Instead, Trump sees himself as leading
the “civilised world”, a concept that specifically excludes Muslims.
America’s darkest hour in peace time is the
darkest hour for Arab leadership too. They, like Trump, will soon find that
they need the credibility they are now squandering by not standing up for what
is right, unlike the hundreds of thousands of ordinary people fighting on their
behalf on the streets of London, Washington and New York.
Shame on them. They richly deserve the fate
that awaits them, when the peoples of the Arab world finally get their chance
to rid themselves of their dictators.
Hearst is editor-in-chief of Middle East Eye. He was chief foreign leader
writer of The Guardian, former Associate Foreign Editor, European Editor,
Moscow Bureau Chief, European Correspondent and Ireland Correspondent. He
joined The Guardian from The Scotsman, where he was education correspondent.